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China's WAICO Launches a Parallel AI Governance World Order With 29 Nations

Xi Jinping formally inaugurated the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization on July 17, drawing 29 founding members — predominantly Global South nations — into a China-led governance bloc that sidesteps Western AI norms. The Shanghai-based body represents the most concrete step yet toward a bifurcated global AI order.

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When Chinese President Xi Jinping took the stage at the World Artificial Intelligence Conference in Shanghai on July 17, he did more than deliver a keynote. He formalized a rupture in how the world governs its most consequential technology. With the signature of 29 nations, the World Artificial Intelligence Cooperation Organization — WAICO — moved from aspiration to institution, establishing the first intergovernmental body dedicated to AI governance that operates entirely outside the Western-led international order.

The launch, attended by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres among other dignitaries, was framed by Beijing as a gesture of inclusivity toward the Global South. Critics in Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo read it differently: as a geopolitical maneuver to export China’s model of AI development — state-directed, less constrained by individual rights, and explicitly competitive with American technology leadership — to a coalition of emerging economies that collectively represent nearly four billion people.

The 29 Founding Members

The countries that signed WAICO’s founding agreement on July 16 reflect the shape of China’s diplomatic network with precision. Five ASEAN nations are aboard: Malaysia, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar. The broader roster includes Algeria, Belarus, Brazil, Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Cuba, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Lesotho, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Oman, Pakistan, Russia, Senegal, Serbia, South Africa, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Venezuela, and Zambia.

Conspicuously absent from the list are all G7 nations — the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Japan, Italy, and Canada — as well as Australia, South Korea, and India. The European Union declined to participate. In other words, every country that has signed onto the OECD AI Principles, the G7’s Hiroshima Process, or the EU AI Act’s compliance framework is not in WAICO.

That alignment is not accidental. WAICO’s founding documents are explicit that member-state AI regulations need not conform to Western frameworks. Countries that adopt WAICO’s governance guidance are effectively choosing an alternative set of AI norms — one that China’s state institutions will have significant influence over shaping.

What WAICO Is (and Isn’t)

WAICO is an intergovernmental organization headquartered in Shanghai. Its stated mission is to “promote international AI cooperation with a particular emphasis on making the technology accessible to developing nations.” It will set guidance on AI governance, facilitate technology sharing among members, and — its architects hope — develop an alternative to standards bodies like ISO, IEEE, and NIST’s AI Risk Management Framework.

It is not, at least initially, a regulatory body with hard enforcement power. Member nations are not obligated to transpose WAICO guidelines into domestic law. But intergovernmental organizations rarely begin with coercive authority; they build it through the gravity of standards adoption, technical assistance programs, and bilateral deals that tie members closer to the anchor nation’s ecosystem.

China has template for this playbook. The Belt and Road Initiative started as an infrastructure financing scheme and gradually accumulated governance influence across dozens of nations. WAICO’s critics expect a similar trajectory: early capacity-building grants, Huawei and Alibaba Cloud providing the underlying infrastructure, and Chinese AI startups following with subsidized software — all producing AI systems built to WAICO norms rather than Western ones.

The Governance Fracture in Numbers

The implications of the split are significant at scale. The 29 WAICO founding members collectively represent roughly 3.8 billion people, or about 48 percent of the global population. If WAICO grows — and China has been actively courting additional signatories, with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Thailand described as likely near-term additions — the organization could come to represent the governance framework for AI across more than half of humanity.

That matters because AI governance isn’t abstract. It determines what data AI systems are trained on, what content moderation rules apply, whether facial recognition is permitted in public spaces, how AI-generated content is labeled (or not), and which companies get market access. A world with two incompatible AI governance regimes is a world where AI developers must make explicit choices about which legal framework to optimize for — and where the technology itself may diverge in ways that reflect underlying political values.

“We are watching the technology stack become geopolitically aligned,” said one European Commission official speaking on background shortly after WAICO’s launch. “Just as we had to confront the prospect of two separate Internets, we now have to confront the prospect of two separate AI systems.”

Washington’s Response

The Biden-era export controls that restricted Chinese access to advanced AI chips have continued under the current administration, but the broader US policy response to WAICO has been measured. The White House declined to issue a formal statement on WAICO’s founding, noting only that the United States “continues to work with like-minded allies on responsible AI governance through existing multilateral frameworks.”

The muted response reflects a genuine tension in US foreign policy. Aggressive denunciations of WAICO risk pushing fence-sitters — India, Brazil, and Indonesia are notable non-members that China will court — closer to Beijing’s orbit. But silence allows the impression to form that the US has no compelling alternative to offer developing nations that want AI capacity-building without the compliance burdens of the EU AI Act or the geopolitical entanglements of close alignment with Washington.

Congressional voices have been sharper. Representative Michael McCaul (R-TX), chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, called WAICO “a Trojan horse designed to wire the Global South into China’s digital infrastructure and export its surveillance-compatible AI norms.” Senator Mark Warner (D-VA) urged the State Department to develop a counter-offer of AI technical assistance to nations considering WAICO membership.

China’s Strategic Logic

For Xi Jinping, WAICO serves several simultaneous purposes. It positions China as a champion of Global South interests against a Western-dominated technology order — a narrative that resonates from Nairobi to Jakarta to São Paulo. It provides a platform for Chinese AI companies to expand internationally under favorable governance conditions. And it begins the process of establishing Shanghai as a global AI governance hub in competition with Brussels.

There is also a domestic dimension. Chinese AI policy has accelerated dramatically following the shock of DeepSeek’s cost-efficiency breakthroughs in early 2025 and subsequent export control tightening by Washington. WAICO helps secure a guaranteed market for Chinese AI products that cannot be foreclosed by American sanctions — a form of governance-level supply chain resilience.

Whether WAICO ultimately reshapes global AI norms or remains a coordination mechanism for the margins of the international system will depend heavily on whether China delivers on its promises of AI capacity-building and whether member nations find the governance framework genuinely useful rather than merely decorative. What is already clear is that the era of a single, converging global AI governance order is over. The bifurcation that analysts warned about for years is now institutional.

WAICO China AI governance geopolitics Global South WAIC 2026
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